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‘We Didn’t Do This Perfectly’: American Fork Police Chief’s Understatement Now Anchors A Civil Rights Lawsuit By Reckless Ben’s Helpers

We’ve been covering a bunch of stories related to the saga of “Reckless” Ben Schneider and Bricks & Minifigs (“BAM”), which began with a series of videos Schneider produced about his increasingly more extreme attempts to get back the Lego sets that someone had given to a BAM franchise on a consignment deal, and which it seems quite clear, BAM corporate illegally held onto after taking back that franchise. BAM settled and claims it gave back the remaining sets to the original owner, Bryan Mansell, but Mansell says he got back about 35 sets out of hundreds, some of which weren’t even his — not exactly what he was expecting.

But if you’ll recall, in those original videos, at one point there was a bizarre scene where the American Fork Police Department had a SWAT team (or equivalent) raid the AirBNB where Ben and some of the people helping him were staying, arresting all of them.

There were a number of other sketchy moves by the American Fork Police Department, including pulling over the car Ben was a passenger in on totally pretextual claims, accusing another of Ben’s colleagues of trespassing on a property she hadn’t been on, and then arresting another colleague for pressing the power button to lock his phone after being ordered to hand it over.

Soon after this, prosecutors charged Schneider with misdemeanor stalking charges and (even more bizarrely) “targeted residential picketing.” That case is still ongoing, though a scheduled hearing last month was recently postponed until December, apparently to give the two sides a chance to come to a “potential resolution.”

The American Fork police responded to the original coverage with one of the most bizarre videos I’ve ever seen: a 26-minute production featuring the police chief standing in what appears to be a white void, doing a weird ASMR defense of his police force. Later on the bodycam footage from the American Fork Police Department leaked, which poked massive holes in the AFPD’s claims.

Independent journalist Daniel Sroka then sat down with that same police chief, Cameron Paul, and American Fork Mayor Brad Frost in August, and then with Paul alone again in September. Sroka recorded both meetings, and got Paul to admit that he made mistakes in what he said in that video. But he also seems to have admitted to a lot of unconstitutional mistakes made by the police force he oversees.

All of that has now resulted in four of Ben’s colleagues (but not Ben himself) suing American Fork and 13 of its police officers in federal court for violating their First and Fourth Amendment rights. The full 52-page complaint is worth reading (though, bizarrely, I’ve seen six separate news articles on this lawsuit and not a single one includes the complaint!).

In short, it seems quite clear that (as many people suspected upfront) the AFPD cut all kinds of corners, abused their powers, and violated the rights of a group of young adults in the false belief that the local residents (connected to BAM) must be correct, and the “kids” were causing trouble. There seemed to be a pervasive belief among the AFPD that they could effectively scare the young people straight by detaining and threatening them, which is not how policing is supposed to work.

From the complaint:

Plaintiffs were helping an investigative journalist and YouTuber, Benjamin Schneider, document and pursue a civil dispute over an Oregon family’s LEGO collection. Plaintiffs tried to serve court papers, drove a car, filmed, raised money on GoFundMe, and hung a sign on a neighbor’s fence with the neighbor’s permission. That is lawful, constitutionally protected activity.

In response, AFPD officers stopped Plaintiff Tyler Shaw for a stop-sign violation that AFPD’s own Chief of Police now admits never happened; held Mr. Shaw for roughly two hours, ran him through field sobriety tests, and brought a drug dog to his car after he blew a .000 on a breath test, while the officer in charge, explained: “I was gonna scare him a little bit and let him go”; ripped Plaintiff Sheldon Norcross’s phone from his hand and arrested him because, in the officer’s own words, Mr. Norcross invoked his right to remain silent; and then obtained a search warrant for “stolen . . . Lego merchandise” on a sworn affidavit that the Chief now calls “one of the biggest places where we screwed up,” and used it to storm a basement rental with guns drawn including a rifle, handcuff every occupant—including a 16-year-old—and haul them all to the police station.

The Chief of Police, Cameron Paul, initially defended all of this in a 26-minute YouTube video. After an outside review, he conceded in a recorded meeting that “we didn’t do this perfectly,” that “several issues . . . weren’t handled well, or were handled outside of policy,” that “it was clearly not a stop sign violation,” that the reasons written for seizing Mr. Norcross’s phone “would not be a justification for seizing the phone,” that “[t]his didn’t really have anything to do with Legos. We weren’t going in to look for Legos. We didn’t even search the residence for Legos,” that the affidavit “did not get reviewed by a supervisor” despite “a clear directive and policy” requiring it, and that what the officers “would have needed to have . . . is individualized, probable cause for all five individuals.”

Those admissions confirm what the body-worn camera footage, dash camera footage, and AFPD’s own reports show: the individual Defendants violated Plaintiffs’ clearly established First and Fourth Amendment rights, and they did so because the City of American Fork staffed its patrol division with inexperienced officers, failed to train them on the constitutional limits that govern traffic stops, phone seizures, warrant affidavits, and warrant execution, and failed to enforce even the safeguards its own written policies require.

I guess kudos to police chief Paul for effectively admitting to much of this in the interviews with Sroka. That certainly makes life easier for those whose rights were violated by the AFPD.

The details Paul admitted to are pretty damning. On AFPD pulling over Shaw’s vehicle (with Schneider as a passenger):

Officer Richardson then stopped Mr. Shaw’s car, claiming he “observed the vehicle fail to stop before the stop line at a stop sign, as well as failure to come to a complete stop.”

That was false. Mr. Shaw stopped properly at the stop sign. There was no traffic violation and no other lawful basis to stop the car.

AFPD’s Chief of Police agrees. After reviewing the footage, Chief Paul stated of Officer Richardson: “I understand that he thought he knew what the statute said, but he didn’t”; “It’s hard to justify any type of a stop sign violation here”; “I do not believe there was a stop sign violation”; and “he clearly misremembered, and it was clearly not a stop sign violation.” Chief Paul further stated that AFPD has “since gone over the statute with him.”

Chief Paul contends that Officer Richardson had reasonable suspicion for some other reason, which Plaintiffs deny, but he acknowledged that Officer Richardson “should have based his stop on that reasonable suspicion to begin with and not try to have drummed up some kind of other offense.” The only basis Officer Richardson ever gave for the stop was a traffic violation that did not occur

Also, I hadn’t realized from the videos that police stopped Shaw a second time, the very next day. That’s the stop where they held him for two hours, and where the bodycam caught officers admitting they wanted to scare him. Knowing these were two separate stops on consecutive days makes it look even more like deliberate intimidation.

On the evening of March 9, 2026, Mr. Shaw was again driving his car with Mr. Schneider as a passenger. Mr. Shaw stopped to pick up an acquaintance, Christian Morgan, who had been dropped off near Mr. Johnson’s residence.

Officer Hawkins had just told Mr. Morgan he was “trespassed” from Mr. Johnson’s property. Mr. Morgan had left the property as instructed. Officer Hawkins then saw Mr. Morgan “attempt to get into” Mr. Shaw’s car, activated his emergency lights, and stopped Mr. Shaw’s car.

Officer Hawkins did not tell Mr. Shaw why he was stopped, there being no lawful reason for the stop. Walking toward a car after leaving a property when told to leave is not a crime, and Mr. Shaw had committed no traffic violation.

Officer Hawkins opened by demanding: “I’ll ask again because I wasn’t born yesterday. Why are we harassing people?”

Instead of addressing any traffic matter, Officer Hawkins accused Mr. Shaw and Mr. Schneider of “harass[ing]” Mr. Johnson. He then had Officer Fraughton look at Mr. Shaw’s eyes, and the two officers claimed that Mr. Shaw’s eyes “were glossy and seemed to have a red layer of tint in them.”

That claim was false, and the officers knew it was false. Officer Hawkins’ in-car camera recorded him explaining the stop to another officer in his patrol car before the sobriety tests began. He said he had stopped the car because “I watch them try to get in this car,” and that “[t]he main reason was I smelled alcohol on the other guy’s breath. So I was hoping he just got caught.” Asked whether “these guys” were good “to drive,” the answer recorded was: “Yeah, I think so. I didn’t see anything clear as day with Tyler that I noticed.”

Officer Hawkins then described his plan in his own words: “I was gonna scare him a little bit and let him go.” When the other officer asked, “do we have . . . charges or are we just tired of them being annoying?”, Officer Hawkins answered that he would “try to link it to” Mr. Schneider: “So if I can get Ben to say, yeah, well, I did tell him to go over there and do that, then I have harassment charges on [him]. . . . I don’t care that much, it’s more of just the fact that they’re trying to be sneaky.” He added, “we don’t really have a harassment code in Utah.”

Officer Hawkins therefore knew, before he ever removed Mr. Shaw from the car, that he had no reasonable suspicion that Mr. Shaw was impaired or had committed any crime. He prolonged the stop anyway: to “scare him a little bit,” and to try to build a case against Mr. Schneider.

Scaring someone is not a lawful basis to stop him or to prolong a stop.

There’s also this:

Officer Hawkins’ report on the sobriety tests twice refers to the subject of the testing as “Johnny,” a person who was not present, indicating that the narrative was likely copied from another report rather than written from what Officer Hawkins observed of Mr. Shaw.

Yeah, apparently the AFPD officers who held Shaw and Schneider for hours had so little evidence that they copy and pasted the report on the field sobriety test of someone totally different.

Again, the Sroka interview gets AFPD’s chief to admit that the two hours of detention on zero basis is, as you probably already know, not actually allowed:

Chief Paul has acknowledged each of the governing rules the officers ignored: “I can’t prolong a stop just for a canine sniff unless I have something more”; “We can’t extend the time of a stop beyond what we would normally spend just to be able to deploy a dog”; and, as to the officers’ claim that a different person smelled of alcohol, “it wouldn’t give articulable suspicion . . . . It’s got to be individualized just because someone else has the odor of an alcoholic beverage on their breath [it] doesn’t justify it.”

Chief Paul’s attempted defense — that the sniff “was done . . . at the same time they were doing field sobriety tests” — is contradicted by Officer Hawkins’ own report, which shows that the dog was summoned only after the tests were finished and Mr. Shaw had blown .000.

When shown AFPD’s written canine policy, Chief Paul did not dispute that it contains no statement that a stop may not be extended for a canine sniff absent independent reasonable suspicion, responding that “[w]e clearly don’t have every single piece of . . . precedent in department policy.” He has also defended “scar[ing]” citizens as an accepted AFPD practice: “There are times we will do that where we’ll go out and we’ll help somebody understand the gravity of the situation and make it appear very serious to them or as serious as it is. And then we will use our discretion and cut them loose.”

Then there’s the story of Sierra Lauts, the woman Schneider had asked to be the process server for his attempted lawsuit against one of the guys who took over the franchise, Josh Johnson. As shown in Ben’s original video, she was seated in a car waiting outside of Johnson’s property for him to leave the house. She never entered his property. And the police took the papers from her, showed them to Johnson but did not complete the service, saying he refused them (which is not how any of this works). And then they “trespassed” Lauts, which is kinda crazy given that she was never on Johnson’s property.

Officers Sumbot and Somerville, among others, arrived, approached Ms. Lauts’s car, demanded her identification and address, and questioned her about why she was there and whether she was a “legal” process server. Ms. Lauts answered truthfully and provided her driver’s license. She was not free to leave. Officer Somerville stayed posted at the car, explaining: “We just try to have at least one officer to kind of stick around with every group,” because “you never know when people are going to try and . . . take off.” He was present when the occupants were told that Mr. Johnson “wanted you trespassed.”

Mr. Johnson told the officers the court papers were fake and that Ms. Lauts was a fake process server, and he asked that she be arrested for “impersonating a process server.” Officer Sumbot then called the Marion County Circuit Court, which confirmed that the case was real, that it had been filed, and that Mr. Johnson still needed to be served.

Even with the court’s confirmation in hand, the officers continued to treat lawful service of process as criminal conduct. Officer Sumbot carried the papers to Mr. Johnson’s door but did not deliver them, and Mr. Johnson was allowed to refuse them.

The officers then discussed among themselves, on camera, whether to have Ms. Lauts “trespassed” from a property she had never entered: “I’m just gonna see if he wants the girl trespassed.” An officer then asked Mr. Johnson, “So what do you want done today, do you want her trespassed?” Mr. Johnson replied: “no, I want them for stalking.”

Officer Sumbot then told Ms. Lauts that Mr. Johnson “wanted her trespassed from the property and not to return,” and Ms. Lauts was formally trespassed even though she remained in her car on a public street the entire time

This section concludes with the understatement of the year:

Chief Paul has since conceded that “even between officers, there’s some confusion on what can be done? What can’t be done? What needs to be done? What should be done?” when it comes to civil process, and that “it’s pretty apparent that we need to make sure we’re doing some additional training.”

Ya think?

Then there’s the seizing of Sheldon Norcross’s phone, which is also covered in detail in Schneider’s video. The complaint explains how ridiculous that all was, with the cops literally making up reasons on the spot for why they could seize the phone, claiming they could just take it because Norcross initially told them he wouldn’t give them the phone (again, not how any of this works). The different officers who arrested Norcross also gave different — and conflicting! — reports on what happened. Again, the Chief admitted to the journalist that this isn’t how it’s supposed to work:

Chief Paul has conceded that the stated basis for the seizure was invalid: “destroying evidence is different than a locked phone, right? . . . So, if we’re destroying evidence, that’s very different than someone locking his phone.” He added that he had “heard Lieutenant Adamson’s explanation. It differs from what’s in his report, but what’s written in his report would not be a justification for seizing the phone.”

And then, later:

Officer Richardson transported Mr. Norcross, in handcuffs, to the AFPD station. Although he had been told “you are under arrest,” officers at the station called it a “detention.” Chief Paul has since acknowledged that “to detain and transport really it does turn into a de facto arrest. There’s very limited circumstances where it can remain a detention,” and he does not “believe that necessarily applied in our instance.”

Then we finally get to the crazy SWAT team raid. As was suspected, the warrant they obtained to raid the house was bullshit:

At 5:11 p.m., Officer Richardson — a POST-certified officer of roughly one year’s experience — swore out an affidavit for a warrant to search the basement apartment, Mr. Schneider’s person, and the Chevy Malibu. The only “property or evidence” the affidavit identified was “Any stolen merchandise, specifically Lego merchandise.”

To supply probable cause that stolen LEGO merchandise would be found inside, Officer Richardson swore: “The homeowner also disclosed that he could hear multiple individuals inside the residence speaking about possible stolen Lego toys that they had taken. The officer would like to search for said items.”

That statement was false. No one inside the residence discussed “stolen Lego toys that they had taken.” Whatever the homeowner may actually have said about LEGO — and there is no recording, because no officer recorded the conversation — the affidavit converted it into what amounted to an overheard confession that the occupants possessed LEGO “that they had taken.” No one inside had taken any LEGO toys. The phrase “they had taken” appears in no recording. The statement was either fabricated or recklessly embellished, and Officer Richardson knew, or recklessly disregarded, that it was false.

Officer Richardson and Lieutenant Adamson also knew facts that made the statement implausible on its face and that the affidavit omitted: that AFPD had known for days that the dispute concerned a LEGO collection in Oregon that Mr. Schneider was trying to recover through the Oregon courts, not LEGO in Mr. Schneider’s possession; that, upon information and belief, AFPD had never received any report of LEGO stolen in Utah by anyone in the residence; and that the conversation with the homeowner was not recorded.

The affidavit contained other false or misleading statements, including that the March 11 sign incident occurred on “March 3rd of 2026”; that Mr. Schneider was “arranging various amounts of individuals to go to the victim’s residence and enter his property,” when none of the Plaintiffs had entered Mr. Johnson’s property; and that the sign was “defaming.” It omitted that the owner of the fence had given permission for the sign, that Officer Richardson himself had confirmed that permission, and that Officer Richardson had already concluded that the people with Mr. Norcross had no “malicious intent.”

And then this part, which seems pretty important:

The affidavit established no probable cause to believe that any of the occupants other than Mr. Schneider had committed any crime, and it sought no authority to arrest, detain, or search anyone other than Mr. Schneider.

The lawsuit notes that a magistrate judge signed the warrant, saying that cops could search for stolen Lego merchandise (which again, the cops knew was nonsense). And, now the police chief (who originally defended these events) admits it was all a big fuck up:

Chief Paul has admitted the affidavit was a failure: “I will say that the search warrant affidavit presents one of the biggest places where we screwed up.” He continued: “This didn’t really have anything to do with Legos. We weren’t going in to look for Legos. We didn’t even search the residence for Legos.” And: “in my opinion, we should have never even put Legos in this affidavit.”

Chief Paul has also admitted that AFPD’s written safeguard failed: “a new officer wrote this affidavit. We have a clear directive and policy that search warrant affidavits have to be reviewed by a supervisor in our department, and in this case . . . [t]his did not get reviewed by a supervisor.” He summarized: “Basically what I’m getting at is we failed here.”

Um. Considering the supposedly stolen Legos (which the police already knew Schneider was looking to recover, not steal) were the entirety of the argument for the warrant, to now say that they shouldn’t have even mentioned them is a huge fucking deal.

The warrant only gave the cops permission to search for Legos, which they have now admitted they did not do. But the complaint also details that the cops laid out a plan before the raid to arrest everyone in the house, even though it was a search warrant, not an arrest warrant.

Officer Richardson prepared an operations plan for serving the warrant. By his own account, the plan was “to open the door which was presumed unlocked, and call out any present individuals one at a time, and take them into custody.” The plan thus called for taking into custody every person inside, whoever they were, before any officer knew who was there.

There’s also the issue that they burst into the house with guns drawn with no announcement:

The officers did not knock. They did not announce their authority and purpose and wait for the occupants to respond. Officer Richardson’s report claims that “[o]fficers announced ‘Police Search Warrant,’” but no announcement was made and no time was allowed for the occupants to respond before officers were in the doorway ordering them out at gunpoint. They opened the door and entered. Officer Richardson’s own body-worn camera records the team’s cue — “You ready? On you.” — followed immediately by “Everybody step out. Stand up and come outside. Right now. Let’s go. Step outside. Step outside, everybody.” The footage of the entry itself has been blacked out in the released versions of Officer Richardson’s and Officer Laycock’s footage.

Chief Paul has conceded the point: “even if the door’s propped open you, you still announce, right? . . . Just because the door’s open does not allow you on a knock-and-announce warrant to just enter the premises. Like, there’s no debating that. So, yes, that’s an issue I’ve identified as well.”

The whole thing is not how any of this is supposed to work:

Officer Richardson “held lethal coverage with [his] Patrol rifle” — that is, he pointed a rifle at the occupants — while Officer Tonga called them out one at a time and handcuffed them. Other members of the entry team likewise had firearms drawn and directed at the occupants

None of the occupants was armed. None was suspected of a violent crime. AFPD’s own Transparency Entry reports that no one other than officers brandished a weapon. Officer Richardson admitted that “[d]ue to NLETS not working, a criminal history of Benjamin Schneider was not conducted.” There was no information suggesting anyone inside posed a threat.

Ms. Lauts, Mr. Shaw, and Mr. Allen complied with every command. Each was nevertheless handcuffed, searched, and held at gunpoint and in handcuffs outside the residence. So was the 16-year-old.

And the precious, made up “stolen Legos” that the police used to get the warrant which only gave them the authority to search for those non-existent Legos?

Officers did not even search the apartment for LEGO merchandise. They spent only a few minutes inside, opened a single closet, and opened no cupboards. The return Officer Richardson swore to the next morning states: “Benjamin Schneider was arrested. No items siezed.”

Oh, but there was one other thing they were careful about while inside the house. Making sure they weren’t being recorded:

Before entering, officers discussed the occupants’ cameras. On entry, an officer turned a GoPro camera that was recording on a desk face down, and Lieutenant Adamson grabbed and twisted Mr. Schneider’s arm when he attempted to record with his phone and stopped the recording.

Then, after they arrested all of these people on zero basis, zero probable cause, zero anything, they held them for over two hours. Once again, Chief Paul told the reporter that’s not allowed:

Chief Paul has acknowledged that this was unlawful: “[W]e don’t have a categorical authority to just put . . . everyone in hand[cuffs] because of the scene of a search warrant”; “that detention mixed with transport . . . in almost every case . . . is going to turn into an arrest”; and “[w]hat these officers would have needed to have, I mean, just speaking frankly, is individualized, probable cause for all five individuals.”

The plaintiffs (in various combinations) claim that their First and Fourth Amendment rights were violated multiple times in multiple ways throughout all of this. Suing the police for violating your rights is generally pretty difficult (unfortunately). But it gets a lot easier when you have the bodycam footage, the dashcam footage, the officers’ own reports, and the Police Chief on tape repeatedly admitting to the very unlawful behavior you’re suing over.

So this whole mess started because a group of young adults were trying to help someone else get back Lego sets that BAM held onto (and which, many months later, BAM finally returned only some of). While their actions may have been a bit awkward and goofy, the basic details were easily available to the AFPD. Instead, AFPD’s response was to — largely because of questionable claims from people connected to BAM — stop the participants with made-up traffic violations, detain them illegally for hours, seize phones on no basis, raid the home they were staying in on false pretenses, hold them at gunpoint, and drag them all to the police station. The Chief now admits that much of this was clearly wrong.

The reality seems to be what one of the AFPD cops said early on: the cops decided to abuse their power (including their guns and ability to obtain search warrants) to “scare him a little bit.” Right now, it kinda seems that the people who should be scared of the legal liability they have created for themselves are the AFPD officers who created all this legal liability for themselves by trampling the constitutional rights of the people they’re supposed to serve.

Verdox Captured CO₂ From An Aluminum Smelter. Commercial Scale Is A Much Bigger System.

Verdox has completed a useful industrial demonstration at Hydro’s Sunndal aluminum smelter in Norway. During a two-month test, its electrochemical process captured carbon dioxide from exhaust containing only about 1% CO₂ and operated in the presence of contaminants found in real smelter gas. Hydro’s investment and continued work with Verdox ... [continued]

The post Verdox Captured CO₂ From An Aluminum Smelter. Commercial Scale Is A Much Bigger System. appeared first on CleanTechnica.

Alaska’s monster tsunami sent water 1,580 feet up a mountain

A massive landslide in Alaska triggered the second-highest tsunami ever recorded, sending water and debris 1,580 feet up a mountainside just hours after tourists visited the area. Scientists discovered that the disaster was preceded by several warning signs, including rapid glacier retreat, heavy rainfall, and thousands of tiny seismic tremors. As glaciers retreat, similar disasters could become a growing danger in mountainous coastal regions.

Affordable & Versatile: Volkswagen ID. Cross Can Now Be Ordered With A 37 kWh Battery

37 kWh battery (net) offers a range of up to 324 km and is particularly suitable for city traffic and commuting Two output levels with 85 kW (116 PS) and 99 kW (135 PS) available, maximum speed of 160 km/h DC quick charging with 90 kW from 10 to 80 per cent possible ... [continued]

The post Affordable & Versatile: Volkswagen ID. Cross Can Now Be Ordered With A 37 kWh Battery appeared first on CleanTechnica.

How can approaches from physical ecology help research and policy on the information environment?

Scholars and policymakers increasingly use ecological metaphors such as “information environment” and “information ecosystem” to describe contemporary informational spaces. Ecology offers more than loanwords. Its concepts and frameworks can help researchers understand relationships among people, technology, content, and society. We leverage natural science definitions and Pickett and Cadenasso’s six parameters of physical ecosystems to develop concrete models for studying complex informational systems. By moving beyond amorphous ecological analogies, we show how ecological frameworks can clarify key concepts, structure research across disciplines, and inform policy. We also propose research questions to facilitate transdisciplinary collaboration and advance the study of information ecosystems. 

Image by TheDigitalArtist on Pixabay

Introduction

Ecological metaphors abound in research and policy documents on technology and information.1 The most prominent are ecosystem and environment, terms routinely used interchangeably to describe the complexity of contemporary information flows. In this commentary, we argue that scholars and policymakers should move beyond using ecology as a metaphor and instead use ecological frameworks as models to help researchers facilitate a shared understanding across disciplines.

Decades ago, pioneering media scholars McLuhan (1964), Postman (2000), Ong (2012 [1977]), and later Scolari (2012) advanced concepts of media ecology to better understand how different means of communication affect messaging and society. Building on this foundation, some researchers referring to  digital and news media ecosystems have borrowed concepts on processes, like feedback loops, or policies, such as sustainability (Márton, 2022). Others have turned to the concept of information ecology (e.g., Davenport & Prusak, 1997; Nardi & O’Day, 1999). Davenport and Prusak (1997) invoke ecology to argue against an engineering mindset, observing that information ecosystems are much less bounded than such an approach assumes, whereas Nardi and O’Day (1999) borrow specific concepts from ecology, such as keystone species, diversity, and coevolution. Both of these works draw on ecology to encourage greater humility about controlling the information environment and recognizing its complexity through interdependence. However, we would argue this use has been largely metaphorical, rather than a substantive borrowing of the analytical methods from its scientific namesake.

A major challenge in the use of ecological metaphors is a lack of consistency across applications and, often, a lack of a clear definition. This lack of clarity invites criticism. For example, the United States Surgeon General’s 2021 report on health misinformation used an analogy to information pollution (“Because it pollutes our information environment, misinformation is harmful to individual and public health,” Murthy, 2021, p. 5) that has been critiqued for implying that the information environment can simply be regulated into good health (Phillips & Milner, 2021; Simon & Camargo, 2023). Similarly, for Norris and Suomela (2017), the term “information ecosystem” denotes something natural, and thus “greenwashes” the potentially harmful roles of technology in them. Likewise, Nadler (2019) argues that framing “the dynamics of news ecosystems as expressions of competing and symbiotic relations among news producers” completely ignores the “social, political, and economic decisions and norms that set the stage of the digital media landscape” (p. 1). Essentially, quick metaphors are insufficient to translate the complexity of one system to another, and without greater depth in definition, characteristics of one system may be inadvertently attributed to the other.

The imprecise use of ecological terms also hinders the analysis across disciplines needed to make sense of complex systems. With each field using slightly different terms, be it definitions of information ecosystems or other concepts like media ecology or digital ecosystem, connecting research across disciplines is challenging (McMahan & Evans, 2018). To facilitate transdisciplinary research—that which transcends disciplinary boundaries (Rosenfield, 1992)—shared terminology should be developed to connect fields already exploring aspects of the information environment, including earth sciences, ecology, computer science, information science, business, sociology, media studies, political science, psychology, and computational social science (Wanless, 2025).

We draw inspiration from physical ecology, which studies “the relationships between living organisms, including humans, and their physical environment” (Ecological Society of America, n.d.). Different branches of research within this field connect to provide an understanding of the biological world: taxonomists classify organisms to provide structure, for example, creating a hierarchy of living things; molecular biologists study proteins in living organisms; and population ecologists study groups of the same species living together over time. Ecology also draws from botany and zoology, among other fields, to understand plants’ and animals’ roles in ecosystems. This interdisciplinary approach can provide inspiration for connecting the different fields that are currently studying aspects of the information environment but are not necessarily collaborating.

This work draws on physical ecology in three ways: 1) reviewing core definitions to distinguish between environment and ecosystem; 2) applying the biological hierarchical framework to structure complexity within the information environment; and 3) applying Pickett and Cadenasso’s (2002) six parameters of physical ecosystems as a model to delineate what constitutes an information ecosystem. By model, we mean a “simplified or idealized description or conception of a particular system, situation, or process… put forward as a basis for theoretical or empirical understanding, or for calculations, predictions, etc.” (Oxford, n.d.).  There are currently multiple definitions of information used in scholarship and policy. Here we define information as anything humans process to provide meaning, a definition drawn from an extensive literature review of the contested term (Wanless, 2025). We hope this framework will help generate different kinds of research questions and will lead to structured transdisciplinary work between researchers, practitioners, and policymakers.

Structure of this kind is not a retreat from the dynamics that make information ecosystems complex—the feedback loops, cascades, and tipping points that many ecological metaphors evoke. Structure is both a precondition and a partner for understanding dynamics. For example, a variable cannot be said to have crossed a threshold until it has been defined, its system bounded, and its unit of analysis fixed; two studies cannot compare their “feedback loops” or build on one another until both are indexed to a shared structure. The reason ecological metaphors have so often disappointed is not that they reached for ways to explain complex dynamics, but that they reached for such explanations without this foundation. The history of ecology supports this thinking: population dynamics were unthinkable before biology defined what a population was in relation to other biological units of analysis. Taxonomy and structure lay the foundation that enables the study of dynamics and the comparative analysis of complex systems, and, cumulatively, a scientific approach.

To demonstrate how these ecological parameters can be applied to information, we use Myanmar as a throughline, identifying how each ecological category and parameter can be understood in an informational context. Myanmar between 2016–17 is a particularly instructive case. Zero-rating data access (i.e., Facebook’s controversial Free Basics program that provided free internet access to select websites including Facebook itself) made Facebook effectively synonymous with the internet (Nothias, 2020).  The independent media landscape in Myanmar was still fledgling, slowly emerging after the end of the military dictatorship half a decade earlier. The divisions within the country between the Bamar-Buddhist majority and Muslim minority Rohingya communities remained deeply fractious after the 1982 Citizenship Law made the Rohingya stateless. In late summer 2017, in response to Rohingya militants, the Myanmar military launched operations to clear the Rohingya, including mass killings, rape, and village burnings. After 700,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh, charges of genocide were brought against the country, though Myanmar continues to deny it.

The complexity of these contexts is undeniable, yet explanations for the genocide often reduce the cause of the violence solely to Facebook’s stoking of ethnic tensions (Prasse-Freeman, 2021; Schissler, 2025). This commentary does not attempt to answer that causal question; instead, drawing on research questions about the role of Facebook in the Rohingya genocide, we illustrate how a structured ecological approach forces researchers and policymakers to grapple with the full complexity of information ecosystems, rather than falling back on limited, technologically determinist framings.

Applying core definitions

Ecologists define the environment as the total set of factors, both biotic (living) and abiotic (non-living, such as climate, soil, water, light, nutrients), that influence an organism’s survival, behavior, growth, and reproduction. They define an ecosystem as an integrated system in which organisms interact with each other and their physical surroundings. Invoking the ecosystem concept emphasizes energy flows, nutrient cycles, and the dynamic relationships that link organisms to each other and to their surroundings. Ecosystems are not closed or isolated: they exchange energy, materials, and organisms with adjacent systems. The importance of the ecosystem concept lies in the way living things interact with one another and with their environment.

To stimulate a transdisciplinary approach to the study of informational phenomena, the concepts of information ecosystems and information environments should be clearly delineated. For science and policy to advance, shared definitions used across contexts would be helpful, yet the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO; Giordano, 2023), United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2024), World Health Organization (WHO, 2025), and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP; Hanafin, 2022) have all recently invoked the terms, and, where they define them at all, do so differently. An information ecosystem is a dynamic network of interactions among people, tools (technologies), and the outputs they generate within boundaries imposed by language and norms. These interactions, whether procedurally structured or ad hoc, produce, transform, circulate, and use information within a specific context—an institution or a country—and they can change rapidly as behaviors, incentives, or technologies shift.

In contrast, the information environment is the higher-level, semi-structured domain of durable conditions and rules that cut across and shape ecosystems. These conditions include, for example, physical infrastructure (e.g., energy, transport), institutional and legal frameworks, education, and economy. These environmental features change more slowly and constrain or enable how ecosystems operate.  Ecosystems and their environment shape each other, but not equally. Environments provide persistent constraints as well as possibilities for action; ecosystems operate within environments and, through aggregated choices, investments, standards, and institutional change, gradually reshape those environments over longer timescales. Because the environment and ecosystem are deeply interdependent constructs, they resist neat analytical separation. This conceptual entanglement frequently generates confusion when scholars in other fields borrow these terms as metaphors without making clear which aspects of the concept they intend to apply and which they hope to leave behind. 

The information environment provides the conditions for information to exist. Historically, geography enabled proximity to foster communication via gestures. Humans formed information ecosystems through the interrelationships between people, tools, information, and their surrounding environment. As new means of generating, sharing, and storing information expanded, those information ecosystems became increasingly complex. Humans gained the capacity to alter surrounding environmental conditions (through electricity, governance, the economy, and education), much like the climate does in the physical world. Put simply, the information environment provides elements for the structure, whereas information ecosystems emerge through a series of processes, much like concepts drawn from the natural sciences (see Table 1).

Table 1. The authors’ key definitions, including information environment and information ecosystem. 

What is at play is a series of coupled systems, each consisting of two or more distinct, interacting parts, where a change in one directly influences the behavior of another. Consider an information ecosystem: the laws and economy that enable and shape it were created beforehand, likely within that same ecosystem. The information environment provides the conditions for ecosystems to emerge, but once they do, those ecosystems can reshape the surrounding environment in turn. This is a level of complexity that physical ecology has long grappled with.

Consider the relationship between the environment, climate, and ecosystems—separate but interrelated things. Climate is one part of the environment, and the two shape each other continuously. Climate is the long-term pattern of temperature, precipitation, wind, and related conditions in a place. The environment is broader: it is everything in a place, including the living things (e.g., plants, animals, microbes) and the non-living physical parts (e.g., soil, water, rock, mountains, air).

Climate shapes the environment by setting the conditions that determine what can exist somewhere: tundra emerges because the climate allows it. It influences which species live where, how soil forms, how water moves, and how ecosystems function. But the environment also shapes climate in return: forests absorb carbon dioxide and release water vapor, and soils store or release carbon. Change one of these, and the climate responds. So, climate sets the conditions for tundra to exist, warming disrupts it, and the disrupted tundra releases stored carbon that drives further warming. The two are not acting on each other as external forces separate and distinct from each other. Climate is embedded in the environment, and together they form a coupled system where each continuously influences the other.

Just as climate scientists measure factors like temperature and water levels to understand physical environment dynamics, equivalents are required for the information environment. These measurements might include how many people globally have access to the internet and how that is changing over time. Research could measure things like literacy levels, what mobile services are available, whether data is unlimited, or how many libraries exist and how they differ in operations. Changes in the physical environment can also affect factors in information ecosystems, raising questions like how solar flares affect communication infrastructure.

Applying a hierarchical framework

Making sense of complexity requires structure. In ecology, a hierarchical framework helps researchers study complex systems and better understand how various elements interrelate. The scale often begins at an individual organism, moving upward to the biosphere. While scholars and policymakers have begun borrowing hierarchies from physical ecology, they have been limited in application (e.g., individuals, community, society) or to function (e.g., producer, consumer, decomposer) (Sell et al., 2023). However, their use of these ecological structures suggests that the information environment can similarly be conceptualized as beginning at the individual level, moving up to information ecosystems and beyond (see Table 2). In this sense, ecosystems sit within the environment.

Table 2. Hierarchical framework to structure descriptions of the components and relationships within both physical and information ecosystems. Note that while the names/terms used in this table are not well established, understanding the hierarchical relationship among these different units of analysis is essential to understanding information ecosystems.

More than analogies or metaphors, physical ecosystems can provide models to understand how information ecosystems are built, function, and change over time (Pickett & Cadenasso, 2002), clarifying shared and divergent assumptions and structures as researchers seek to work across disciplines. Both types of ecosystems come in many shapes and sizes. Physical ecosystems are where organisms and their surroundings collectively form a sphere of life. In the information environment, ecosystems are where humans, tools, and outputs collectively form a sphere around a shared idea, be it a religion, a shared illness, or a nation-state.

Ecosystems can be large and sprawling, like Canada; small, like an emergency room; or virtual, like a subreddit. Because they both change over time, temporal demarcations help define context and allow comparison of like with like. Physical ecosystems can be as fleeting as tidal eddies or can be measured in geological time, like eras. In the informational world, comparing Twitter discourse circa 2011 to discussions on X (formerly Twitter) after Elon Musk’s 2022 purchase must also account for the dramatic shift in social context and platform affordances. The physical boundaries, spatial resolution (i.e., unit of analysis), and temporal scale then help define what components can be found within.

Borrowing from physical ecology, however, is not seamless. The frame of ecosystems in ecology, for example, is a specific physical space. Other fields have conceptualized ecosystems beyond location to group characteristics such as language, profession, culture, and ethnicity, among others. This creates some mismatches in an analogous hierarchy for information ecosystems, as the terms population and community are inverted in social science, with community typically referring to a smaller group of people sharing characteristics, and population to a larger group, such as a country.

Applying parameters to information ecosystems

Classifying these characteristics is necessary but not sufficient to describe either physical or information ecosystems. Both physical and information ecosystems are inherently input-output oriented; therefore, specifying the relationships between components and constraints within the system is necessary to understand how ecosystems function and change. Physical inputs such as sunlight, water, and nutrients produce plants and animals as organisms compete for these resources. In information ecosystems, culture, identities, economies, and democracy can emerge in contexts where attention (Falkinger, 2008) or sleep may be key constraints, as Netflix’s then-CEO, Reed Hastings, famously declared sleep its greatest competitor in 2017 (Hern, 2017). Both types of ecosystems are complex, meaning that causality can be multidirectional and dynamic, as it is constantly in flux. Physical ecosystems are highly interconnected through a web of life or food chain, whereas information ecosystems are highly interconnected through technological interdependencies and information accumulation and transfer, as well as the often complex and messy relationships between people who belong to multiple identity groups and communities.

We draw on Pickett and Cadenasso (2002) to offer six parameters of physical ecosystems that can help clarify models for studying information ecosystems: 1) boundaries, 2) spatial resolution, 3) temporal scale, 4) ecosystem components, 5) the nature of relationships among components, and 6) any constraints within the ecosystem (see Table 3). In our view, these parameters can also be used to structure questions about policy on information ecosystems, with the parameters providing a template for what policymakers should consider when anticipating potential unintended consequences of new policies or for generating evidence as an evaluation framework for existing ones.

Table 3. Six parameters when thinking about research into and policy on ecosystems.

Modern devices offer resources and conditions where an individual encounters information (e.g., a laptop, cell phone), shaping how people engage with that content. This experience is affected by conditions both within the ecosystem and the surrounding environment. Using Myanmar between 2016–17 as a context, the six parameters provide a range of research questions (see Table 4).

Table 4. Applying the six parameters to the study of Facebook’s role in Myanmar.

Promising research that considers the information ecosystem as a model has been limited by access to proprietary platform data and by challenges in connecting off- and online information ecosystems (Zuckerman, 2021). Studying information ecosystems is a large undertaking that requires a body of research from many researchers across time, rather than a single empirical work by an individual researcher. However, researchers can better situate where their work fits within the conceptual model of an information ecosystem.

Nonetheless, systemic approaches are emerging; for example, research connecting how economics and a lack of regulations enable the recruitment of highly skilled professionals to manipulate information ecosystems in the Philippines (Ong & Cabañes, 2019). Work that connects decades-long socio-political shifts with media coverage and social media sheds light on processes like feedback loops (Benkler et al., 2018). Attempts to model information ecosystems in Wisconsin through mixed-methods, including surveys, news analysis, and interviews, provide insight into the differences in local and national-level politics (Friedland et al., 2022). Humans’ relationship to technology and information is a system-level problem. Understanding information ecosystems requires not just assessing people, but also the dynamic interrelationships between people, the available means for processing information, and the outputs created.

Discussion

Environmental and ecological metaphors have become default rhetorical shortcuts to nod to complexity and interdependence in research and policymaking without sufficiently defining terms or acknowledging additional, unintended metaphorical allusions. As Sontag (1978) argued, metaphors are unavoidable when thinking about complex, interdependent phenomena, but such invocations can be made more responsible and useful.

Of course, there are limitations to using any of the approaches we suggest here. Definitions may require adjustment over time. Metaphors and analogies bring additional, often unintended baggage or shape perceptions in unintended (or devious) ways. Models are simplifications of complex systems for theoretical and empirical purposes, not true representations of them. Following our suggestions does not absolve researchers or policymakers from being reflective about what their approach is illuminating or obscuring. Our hope is that a more conscientious approach to research on information ecosystems will make reflection and transparency about these limitations easier.

Across several scientific fields, there is now a greater understanding that static, reductionistic, or retrospective depictions of processes or systems can be misleading, and that there is a need for a concerted shift toward describing and understanding the evolving interplay of different components across various units of analysis (Byrne & Callahaghan, 2022; Greenhalgh & Papoutsi, 2018). Schoolchildren are taught at a young age (often through images of ponds, mountains, and rainclouds in textbooks) that ecosystems are complex and dynamic, so it is perhaps unsurprising to employ ecological metaphors to emphasize the complexity that researchers now want to highlight.

For those studying the role of information in societies, we suggest mapping research questions, key variables, and existing literature against the natural science definitions, biological hierarchy, and the six parameters outlined here. We hope that if more researchers consistently use clearly specified terms like those found here as foundations for their work, we will see a broader methodological shift in the field away from isolated, reductionist studies and toward research designs that embrace the interdependence, scale, and dynamism inherent to the ecosystems they seek to study.

The post How can approaches from physical ecology help research and policy on the information environment? first appeared on HKS Misinformation Review.
1    The National Bureau of Economic Research used them in its 2025 white paper, “The Impact of AI and Digital Platforms on the Information Ecosystem” (Stiglitz & Ventura-Bolet, 2025), as did the United Nations (UN) in “Positioning the Future Geospatial Information Ecosystem” (United Nations Committee of Experts on Global Geospatial Information Management [UN-GGIM], 2025). Researchers in finance and education use ecological terms and principles to describe how organizational information systems affect financial decision-making (Mitra & Cready, 2005) or student learning (Morze et al., 2013).

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